Logical Reasoning Questions for CLAT | QB Set 53

New migrant realities in Karnataka’s gig sector

Padma (name changed) has been working with a prominent home delivery services company in Bengaluru, as a beauty services provider for three years now. After migrating from her hometown in Sikkim to Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, to work in a salon, she then moved to Bengaluru after the COVID-19 pandemic to become a gig worker.

“The company charges a 30% commission, but I get paid every three days. That helps. After my husband met with an accident, it has not been easy for us. So, cash in hand and some amount of flexibility is useful,” she says.

Padma’s sister too has moved to Bengaluru and offers her services through the same company. The company offered a training programme for professionals for a facial treatment package that is to be launched, and she notes that there was a good mix of locals and migrants from Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and the northeastern States among them.

These women are among the many who have migrated to the Silicon Valley of India (Bengaluru). There is already a low-latish strong gig workforce in the city, distributed between platforms such as Uber, Ola, Swiggy, Zomato and Dunzo among others.

The State government has recently put out a ‘quota-for-local’ Bill, which has been put in cold storage, but is being actively discussed and debated among economic circles, at a time when the city needs more prosperous economic opportunities in general amid reports on formal sector problems and emerging automation. One of the initiatives cited is whether a quota-for-local Bill mean for the gig economy of the State?

The migration question

The strength of the city is built also on the strength of migration patterns and migration authorities, which have enabled and allowed large-scale work-based immigration. According to Vinayak Tiwari, general secretary of the Karnataka Food Delivery Partners’ Union, the migrant population dominates in some gig sectors according to the locations within the city.

“If the location is around M.G. Road, Koramangala or HSR layout Bengaluru, there is a greater percentage of Hindi-speaking migrant workers. But if the location is Rajajinagar, the number comes down. Near Electronics City, you will find a large number of delivery personnel from other parts of Karnataka such as Mandya and a few from States such as Andhra Pradesh. There are also people from within Karnataka, such as Tumakuru and Ramangara close to Bengaluru, and also faraway parts of North Karnataka.”

According to Mr. Sarathy, after the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a significant increase in the inflow of migrants to the city’s booming gig sector.

In the case of drivers associated with aggregatories, the number of inter-State migrants is relatively low, says Mohamad Imayt Ali from the Karnataka App-based Drivers’ Union.

“The share of migrants may be around 5%-10%. Usually, they are from Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh.”

While that is the case with owner-drivers, schemes that allow them to rent a car from the platforms by depositing an amount seem to have more takers among the migrants too.

“Such schemes such as companies such as BluSmart which have their own fleet see more migrants while the others are less intensive and are relatively risk-free,” Mr. Ali notes.

A more exploited class

Pasha (name changed) from Bengaluru works as a delivery partner with a leading food delivery app. He opted to move from permanent staff job to a part-time job and began training an “additional job” as a gig worker after finding it difficult to keep a regular job and supplement his position. Earlier it was difficult, he says, but too many migrants in the city work as gig workers on platforms. He says, “There is more exploitation when outsiders/migrants are hired because they have no local support. Even among gig workers, if the profile is mixed and operated against locals, local workers will speak up to union openly, but migrant workers will not openly protest and get into trouble if we undercut rates. Platforms have signed more workers in such situations.”

Social security schemes which demand domicile status could be limiting for the concerns of the migrant realities of today.

Ramifications of the Bill

What could a local reservation Bill mean for migrant gig workers in this context?

Not much in terms of a direct impact on gig workers, since they are not “employees” in a traditional sense, though recruitment of more local personnel, increased wages and higher employment rates could change the shape if the quota Bill is implemented.

The passage indicates: “The widest risks would be for the migrant population facing continuing exploitation and low-value jobs alongside locals who are unwilling to protest low pay.”

Question -1) The passage discusses the potential impact of a local reservation Bill on migrant gig workers. Based on the information provided, which of the following statements is most accurate regarding the immediate effect of the Bill?

A) The Bill will significantly reduce the number of migrant gig workers in Bengaluru.
B) The Bill will have a direct impact on gig workers by reducing their wages.
C) The Bill will primarily affect those aspiring for formal sector jobs rather than gig workers.
D) The Bill will increase the overall employment rate among local workers in the gig economy.

Question -2) According to the passage, why are migrant gig workers more vulnerable to exploitation compared to local workers?

A) They receive lower wages than local workers.
B) They lack social support and are less likely to challenge unfair practices.
C) They are required to work longer hours than local workers.
D) They have more limited job opportunities in Bengaluru.

Question -3) Which of the following assumptions is implicit in the passage regarding the relationship between migrant status and employment in the gig economy?

A) Migrant workers are generally preferred over local workers in the gig economy.
B) Migrant workers are more likely to accept low-paying jobs due to a lack of better opportunities.
C) Local workers avoid the gig economy because of better opportunities in the formal sector.
D) The gig economy offers the same opportunities to both migrant and local workers.

Question -4) The passage mentions that locals are often able to find second jobs more easily than migrants. What is the primary reason for this, according to the passage?

A) Locals have better access to job networks and opportunities in the city.
B) Locals are more skilled and therefore preferred by employers.
C) Locals are less dependent on gig work for their livelihood.
D) Locals are not as affected by changes in the rate cards as migrants.

Question -5) If the Karnataka government implements the ‘quota-for-local’ Bill, what is the most likely long-term effect on the migrant gig workforce in Bengaluru?

A) An increase in the wages of migrant workers due to a reduced supply of local workers.
B) A shift in demographic patterns with fewer migrants in the gig economy.
C) A rise in the number of formal job opportunities for migrant workers.
D) A decrease in the level of exploitation faced by migrant workers.

Question -6) What does the author imply is the “real issue” that is overlooked by the narrative of “locals not available for work”?

A) The lack of willingness among locals to take up low-value jobs.
B) The exploitation of workers, particularly migrants, in the gig economy.
C) The inadequacy of social security schemes for migrant workers.
D) The increasing unemployment rates in rural areas.