Logical Reasoning Questions for CLAT | QB Set 16

Three years on, the military in Myanmar, which overthrew the elected civilian government in February 2021, continues to kill, maim and displace its own people. India has steadfastly maintained formal relations with this regime, which has so far murdered more than 5,000 people and displaced some 2.5 million people. In its second term, the Narendra Modi government did very little to engage with the prodemocracy resistance, which now has both political and military wings. Indian foreign policy scholars and practitioners have doggedly defended this policy by arguing that India needs to work with the junta if it has to protect its “interests” in Myanmar and not get swayed by an idealistic preoccupation with “values”.

How India can step out of China’s shadow

But, in foreign policy, there is no clear line between “values” and “interests” simply because neither has a standard definition. It all depends on how a country defines these terms. This is also the case with India’s Myanmar policy. New Delhi has long defined its “interests” in the Southeast Asian country in narrow strategic terms. But now, it needs to develop a unique set of “values” to better defend its interests. It is possible for India to put in place a more progressive, values-driven Myanmar policy that works in favour, and not against, its national interest.

This new policy should have two key pivots, namely, democracy and human security. The new National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, therefore, needs to take four interlocking steps to make this shift.

First, India needs to use its credentials as the largest federal democracy in the region to back the federal democratic movement in Myanmar. For long, Myanmar’s prodemocracy political elites and resistance movement have looked to India as a model of a federal and democratic union. The entire power-sharing system between the centre and various state and regional units in India can serve as an inspiration to them. By adopting a new pro-democracy stance (both in name and action), India can enhance security, slow external actors, and better counterbalance China’s influence in the region. The government, through the Ministry of External Affairs or the National Commission for Women, should strive to replace the military-drafted 2008 constitution with a federal constitution. By helping this vibrant opposition achieve its aim through capacity-building and knowledge exchange programmes, India can distinguish itself from China, its primary regional competitor in Myanmar. Both Beijing and New Delhi can sell military hardware to Myanmar, but only India can sell the spirit of federal cooperation. Here is a chance for the new Indian government to outmanoeuvre the Chinese in their own backyard.

Weapons, sales and humanitarian outreach

Second, India needs to immediately halt all weapon sales to the Myanmar military. According to the advocacy group, Justice for Myanmar (JFM), Indian state-owned military hardware manufacturers have sold a range of non-lethal and semi-lethal equipment to the junta since the 2021 coup. In its most recent report, published on March 27, the group claimed that on January 2, the Indian Air Force transferred a package which had 52 items, including navigational and communication equipment, to its Myanmar counterpart. Myanmar armed forces use all this to terrorise Myanmar citizens. Here is a clear opportunity for India to not only unpeel itself from the junta but also immediately improve its humanitarian image.

Third, India needs to urgently change three things in its humanitarian policy along the India–Myanmar border. First, it should reinstate the Free Movement Regime, or the FMR, which the Union Home Ministry suspended in February 2024. Then, it should engage existing humanitarian aid networks along the India–Myanmar border to send emergency relief assistance including medicines, food and tarpaulin to the other side. Mizoram, where a multi-layered asylum and aid ecosystem is already operational, is a good starting point. India should also collaborate with local and international non-governmental organisations with experience in the field. Best practices from Thailand, which recently started cross-border aid deliveries into Myanmar, should also be adopted. New Delhi should be strict to ensure that the aid is not distributed by the junta, which not only has a disastrous track record in this field, but is also not even in control of large areas along the India–Myanmar border. It is also possible to run cross-border aid corridors without allowing contraband to pass through, with stringent checks and pre-delivery vetting.

Detention of asylum seekers

Fourth, the Narendra Modi government should immediately halt the detention and deportation of asylum seekers from Myanmar. This is especially so in the case of Manipur, where the BJP-led government has so far deported 15 asylum seekers to Myanmar — the latest round was on June 15. These are people who entered India not because they wanted to or with a mischievous intent, but because they were forced to. Regardless of the fact that India has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, it is incumbent upon the government to treat refugees as persons in need of humanitarian assistance and protection rather than as “illegal immigrants”. Both the Indian Constitution and international law allow the Indian state to do so. In fact, the customary international legal principle of non-refoulement discourages India from deporting refugees back to a home country where they face a threat of persecution or death. The Centre should also urge the BJP-led state government to release the Chin refugees detained in the State and house them in humane shelters.

India, while preserving hard-nosed realism, should think like the “vishwa guru”. It should now walk with the people of Myanmar. It should now walk their talk.

Question -1) According to the passage, why does India need to reconsider its Myanmar policy?

A. To align more closely with China’s geopolitical strategies.
B. To prioritize federal cooperation over military hardware sales.
C. To increase diplomatic tensions with neighboring countries.
D. To maintain its status as a federal democratic union.

Question -2) What is one step proposed in the passage for India to distinguish itself from China in its Myanmar policy?

A. Selling advanced military technology to Myanmar.
B. Increasing diplomatic pressure on the Myanmar junta.
C. Supporting Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement.
D. Suspending all diplomatic relations with Myanmar.

Question -3) According to the passage, why does India need to stop weapon sales to Myanmar immediately?

A. To protect its military secrets from foreign adversaries.
B. To comply with international sanctions against Myanmar.
C. To prevent the Myanmar military from further attacks on civilians.
D. To reduce its military spending budget.

Question -4) Which humanitarian measure does the passage suggest India should take regarding Myanmar?

A. Setting up military bases along the India-Myanmar border.
B. Establishing stricter border controls to prevent illegal immigration.
C. Opening cross-border humanitarian corridors for displaced civilians.
D. Providing financial aid to the Myanmar military for infrastructure development.

Question -5) What legal principle does the passage mention to argue against the deportation of asylum seekers from Myanmar?

A. The principle of sovereign immunity.
B. The doctrine of separation of powers.
C. The customary international law principle of non-refoulement.
D. The principle of territorial integrity.

Question -6) According to the passage, what distinguishes India’s potential Myanmar policy from China’s approach?

A. India’s focus on military expansion in the region.
B. India’s adherence to democratic values and federal cooperation.
C. India’s promotion of authoritarian regimes.
D. India’s economic sanctions against Myanmar.