Logical Reasoning Questions for CLAT | QB Set 47

Change in Bangladesh, the challenges for India

With events in Bangladesh unfolding at a rapid pace, this writer recalls the events of February 2009 when (now former) Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina faced a major crisis within two months of her taking over. The mutiny of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a paramilitary force, where the rebels took over the BDR’s headquarters in Dhaka, left 74 dead, out of whom 57 were army officers.

The unrest spread to 12 other towns and cities and posed a direct threat to the fledgling democratically elected government of Sheikh Hasina.

Indian Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon was called back from Colombo by the then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee, where this writer was also present, being the Head of Division for Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar and the Maldives. We took the only available flight, late at night, to Mumbai and then to Dhaka to reach early next morning. Within hours, the rapid turn of events began making headlines in India, with most of the coverage focused on the evacuation of Indian workers and the damage caused by the mutiny.

A government weakened

The recent elections in 2024 were less inclusive and democratic as compared to earlier years; several activists among students, civil society and democratic opposition were kept at bay. The unrest again has its roots in student-led protest (like the BDR mutiny situation), where the agitators, led by the “Dissent Bangladesh Student Movement”, acted almost as if they were the enemies of the state, and which saw the use of violence – sealed Ms Hasina’s fate.

Factoring in public opinion, challenges

However, Bangladesh Army chief, General Wakeuz-Zaman, has stepped into a situation that is quite different from what existed when Gen. Moeen Ul Ahmed took over in 2007 in a coup. In 2007, one needed the army to bring the anarchy and the violence that was unleashed by but not the major political parties under control, restore governance and facilitate elections. The situation demanded a strong arm at the top. In 2024, the army is seen more as facilitating the will of the people by driving out a beleaguered Prime Minister and restoring the democratic process. This has also made the army more vulnerable and, therefore, more responsive to public opinion.

A sign of this vulnerability is the acceptance of the students’ choice of Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus as interim head of government and as their “preferred candidate”. Unlike in previous situations, where coup leaders nominate technocrats, the army had to accept and appoint someone with genuine popular support, credibility, and respect, instead of a technocratic face.

What seemed unusual is Mr Yunus is seen as a known face for the students’ agitation and was considered to be a threat. While he did not belong to either of the two main parties, he was seen as a bridge willing to facilitate the launch of further democratic processes.

New Delhi can capitalise on its strong development partnership with Dhaka and work with the interim government, the army, and the people.

A government that is more vulnerable to popular opinion is generally easier for a democratic state like India to engage with, for the right reasons. “The challenge,” says security sources, “is not only to engage with the Awami League and Nationalist Party and the opposition but also the banned Bangladesh Jamaat-i-Islami which had unleashed Islamic jihadi violence in 2006-07. Violence against Awami League sympathisers and their properties continue, symbols of Bangladesh liberation including the statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman are being demolished, and the Hindu minority community is under attack.

Accommodating such polarised forces in the interim government would be a fillip to India and India foresees a weak army leadership be unable to control these forces?
“India was the first country to flag ‘contemporary forms of religiophobia against non-Abrahamic religions’ in the United Nations General Assembly in 2022; it has demurred, raising a concern for religious bias here and the West, apart from cultural issues.

Recent events in neighbouring Myanmar, yet again, if India does not act, nobody will.”

Mirroring Myanmar and the Maldives

The situation in Bangladesh has its covens elsewhere – Myanmar and, to an extent, in the Maldives, where the new President has taken a policy closer to China than to India. It may well resemble other smaller South Asian countries. Since the coup succeeded in Myanmar, after the military seized power, the over-reliance on military and religious-based polarisation has sharply raised, once militarily and once religiously.

For India, the situation seems similar to what happened in the Maldives where it, later, also lost influence despite being often lauded for Southern coral atolls linked to the other side and more physically distant from Dhaka.

Inasmuch as it has favoured Dhaka, the new government in the interim period will be more beneficial for India provided it has built on the consent of the people. India’s best to work with Mr Yunus and the army, and with the opposition.

T.S. Tirumurti was India’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, New York and, earlier, Foreign Secretary for Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar and the Maldives.

Question -1) Which of the following most accurately reflects the main purpose of the passage?

A) To discuss the historical context and ongoing challenges in Bangladesh under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s rule.
B) To analyze India’s strategic responses to political crises in neighboring countries.
C) To compare the political instability in Bangladesh with that of Myanmar and the Maldives.
D) To highlight the role of the Bangladesh Army in shaping the political future of the country.

Question -2) Based on the passage, why is the army’s acceptance of Muhammad Yunus as the head of the interim government considered unusual?

A) Because Yunus is closely aligned with the two major political parties in Bangladesh.
B) Because the army typically prefers to appoint technocrats without popular support.
C) Because Yunus has a history of supporting military coups in Bangladesh.
D) Because Yunus was a strong supporter of Sheikh Hasina’s government.

Question -3) Which of the following is a key difference between the political situations in Bangladesh in 2009 and 2024, as mentioned in the passage?

A) In 2009, the unrest was sparked by a student-led protest, while in 2024, it was led by a paramilitary force.
B) In 2009, the army intervened to suppress a popular government, while in 2024, it is seen as facilitating the democratic process.
C) In 2009, the army supported Sheikh Hasina’s government, while in 2024, it has overthrown her.
D) In 2009, the opposition supported the government during the crisis, while in 2024, they boycotted the elections.

Question -4) Which of the following can be inferred about India’s position on the situation in Bangladesh?

A) India is likely to strongly support the Bangladesh Army’s intervention in the political process.
B) India may face challenges if it fails to engage with all political factions in Bangladesh.
C) India is actively encouraging religious tolerance in Bangladesh through strong diplomatic efforts.
D) India’s development projects in Bangladesh are at risk due to the changing political landscape.

Question -5) Why might the students’ agitation pose a challenge for the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus?

A) Because it could lead to the re-emergence of extremist groups that had been previously suppressed.
B) Because Yunus has no experience in dealing with large-scale protests.
C) Because the students’ movement is directly opposed to the principles that Yunus stands for.
D) Because the agitation is driven by support for Sheikh Hasina’s previous policies.

Question -6) According to the passage, what is one possible positive outcome of the army’s perceived vulnerability in the 2024 political situation in Bangladesh?

A) The army might relinquish control to a civilian government permanently.
B) The army might be more responsive to the democratic aspirations of the people.
C) The army might collaborate with extremist groups to maintain order.
D) The army might restore Sheikh Hasina to power under certain conditions.